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Mercenary For Justice (2006) BETTER



CIA dirty deeds man John Dresham (Luke Goss) and black ops organiser Anthony Chapel (Roger Guenveur Smith) hire mercenary John Seeger (Steven Seagal) and his crew for a mission in the French-controlled Galmoral Island in Southern Africa. Ostensibly, the purpose of the operation is to aid the local population, though in reality Dresham and Chapel plan to seize and profit off the island's rich oil and diamond reserves.




Mercenary for Justice (2006)


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It's a well-established tradition that Steven Seagal never breaks sweat when breaking people's bones. In this asinine action movie, though, he plays an ex-CIA mercenary who's so dispassionate that he could be auditioning for a role in one of George A Romero's zombie films. The overly convoluted plot shifts from a war-torn African island and on to American soil, then to a bank robbery and prison break in Cape Town, as Seagal searches for the elusive CIA villain (Luke Goss) who's betrayed him. Despite the high-tech heist scenes and globetrotting backdrop this is a tatty affair, with the military sequences looking like they were shot on a blank-firing army training exercise. Even Seagal's hand-to-hand fighting features several glaringly obvious pulled punches. It's a sad day when even the fight choreographer has thrown in the towel.


A team of mercenaries were hired by Dresham, through Chapel, to help spread democracy to the Galmoral Island. Unfortunately the mercenary team has been pinned down by the French Army. In the midst of an epic battle, with lots of stock footage of tanks firing, a dark haired attractive reporter asks the French general if she can go and do an interview with the mercenaries, because why not?


All of this so called action is followed by Seeger visiting Mrs. Radio Jones, and Radio Jones Jr. and giving them a roll of greasy dollar bills, because Seeger is going to take care of them now. He swore it, and for some inexplicable reason, he has decided that he is going to get Radio Jones body back, and get him the military funeral with full honors that Seeger thinks he deserves. Never mind that he was a mercenary, and was killed fighting the military of a US ally.


With his family's lives on the line, a mercenary is blackmailed by dirty CIA operatives to carry out a mission for them, one that necessitates for him to break into a high-security prison to liberate...Read more the son of a drug lord.


With his family's lives on the line, a mercenary is blackmailed by dirty CIA operatives to carry out a mission for them, one that necessitates for him to break into a high-security...Read more prison to liberate the son of a drug lord.


Synopsis: A mercenary gets involved in a mission that threatens the lives of his kin. In order to succeed, he must break into one of the most wellguarded prisons in Eastern Europe and free the son of the most notorious drug lord in the world today.


PPSh-41 submachine gun with a 71 round drum magazine is seen in hands of a mercenary in the opening scene. Many PPSh-41 were captured by South African army during the border conflicts with Angola and Mozambique, so it's not surprising to see PPSh in South African filmed movie.


The international Commission of Inquiry mandated by the United Nations to investigate allegations of human rights violations in Côte d’Ivoire from 2002 to 2004 produced a scathing report on serious and widespread abuses. The final report was suppressed at the United Nations, but a version was leaked to the public, in which the Commission noted, “none of those having committed serious crimes, whether they be coup planners, government soldiers, gendarmes, policemen or others, have been pursued in any legal investigations” or, in those few cases in which investigations were conducted, no prosecutions took place. The Commission further noted that this reality “has not failed to fuel the frustration of victims who have yet to see justice, and who see perpetrators enjoying total impunity every day.”197


In addition to these more longstanding obstacles to justice, President Laurent Gbagbo in April 2007 signed into law an amnesty for crimes against the state in the latest boost for a new peace deal to reunite the country.198 The law excludes economic crimes and domestic law crimes from the amnesty except when individuals committed crimes against the security of the state and national defense (primarily applicable to rebel forces) or when individuals committed crimes defending the republican institutions (primarily applicable to government forces).


Third, some women and girls fear reprisals by perpetrators. Given the current climate of lawlessness and militarization, a number of respondents expressed fear that their rapists would hurt them or their families. For instance, rebels in Man gang raped a nine-year-old girl in 2006, dislocating her pelvis and resulting in her inability to walk or urinate properly. After the attack the rebels threatened to kill her and her parents if they brought the child to a hospital, much less pursued justice for the attack.200


Fourth, few survivors of sexual violence interviewed have faith in either the criminal justice system or the customary law system and their capacity to provide justice. Many respondents told Human Rights Watch that they believed their perpetrator would never be punished or, at best, would only be punished if they had the financial means to bribe the police, prosecutors, judges, rebel commanders, and other authorities.


There appears to be virtually no effort by the rebel leadership to investigate or punish acts of sexual violence allegedly perpetrated by either rebel combatants or civilians living within the areas under rebel administration. Numerous survivors told Human Rights Watch how they harbored little hope of ever seeing justice realized for crimes of sexual violence committed against them. Victims, their families, and the aid workers assisting them described being afraid of bringing crimes to the attention of rebel authorities, or of being intimidated into dropping their efforts to pursue justice. Others described feeling uneasy because they felt that reporting a perpetrator could result in an extreme punishment, such as a summary extrajudicial execution.


There are numerous problems with justice under this ad hoc system. First, individual police commissioners serve, in effect, as investigator, prosecutor, judge, and jury. Second, an accused does not have the benefit of defense counsel at any stage of the investigation, including the determination of guilt, or sentencing.206 Third, some commissioners attempt to impose sentences corresponding to the range provided by the Ivorian penal code for a particular offense, while others simply place an alleged perpetrator in detention for an undetermined period until they feel that he or she has been sufficiently punished.207 Fourth, police commissioners can be influenced by the rebel leadership, which can result in investigations being dropped.208 Lastly, the system lacks independent judicial checks on the power of the police commissioners.209


As a consequence, the criminal justice system in New Forces-controlled territory operates in an inconsistent, patchwork fashion in which there are frequent arbitrary arrests, the imposition of custodial “sentences” on questionable legal authority, and lack of adherence to international fair trial guarantees. Arrest and detention, release of suspects, convictions, and acquittals are executed with limited respect for the rights of victims or the accused. The peace agreements do not specifically require the New Forces to establish functioning or effective judicial institutions within the territory under their control; customary international humanitarian law provides protections for civilians in internal armed conflicts such as in Côte d’Ivoire.


A local civil society leader working in western Côte d’Ivoire expressed her frustration about the form or lack of justice for victims of sexual violence committed by both civilians and rebel combatants:


There is no justice for sexual violence, no judgment. Sometimes there are friendly settlements, and the perpetrator gives money. Sometimes they will go to prison for a few days. Rapes are not really punished. It’s all about relations. If it is a rape committed by a man in uniform you can forget about justice.215


Some survivors, members of their families, and civil society leaders seeking redress for sexual abuse committed by combatants from the New Forces were beaten, intimidated, or suffered other reprisals meted out by the perpetrator or his commander. A staff member of an international humanitarian organization in Man told Human Rights Watch about reprisals against those seeking justice for the 2006 rape of a fourteen-year-old school girl by a rebel combatant after having been detained at a checkpoint. The aid worker recounted how the rebel not only set alight the home of a community member who had assisted the girl, but also went to the victim’s village to threaten her parents not to pursue the case.216


Their record of helping facilitate justice for the crimes committed remains grossly inadequate in spite of some measures taken by the New Forces aimed at preventing violations. These include statements by various commanders that they would not tolerate abuses against civilians, the creation of a restitution commission to return goods that were confiscated, the provision of human rights training to some troops and commanders have undergone,217 and even the MPCI expulsion of Liberians and Sierra Leoneans from the west.


Factors undermining justice in the south include intimidation and harassment of victims and legal professionals involved in bringing and adjudicating cases of sexual violence, lack of political will, corruption, financially prohibitive legal expenses, the high cost of medical certificates for rape (without which law enforcement usually refuse to open a case), judicial gender discrimination, and inadequate attention to violence against women. 041b061a72


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